1.) We have to understand what Obama was doing with his statement: “If I had a son, he would look like Trayvon.”1
B. Hussein Obama was playing racial politics. If there ever was a “dog whistle” for racial identification, that statement was it. Obama can’t be explicit and say, “I’m down with you on the race struggle,” for that would be too blatant and would cost votes; but he can shore up his base by saying, “If I had a son, he would look like Trayvon.” By doing so, he identifies directly with the most integral building block of race (the family) and implies that he is down with them in the struggle against Whitey.
Obama, by that statement, is playing racial politics. Further, by that statement, Obama is saying, “I hate Whites,” “I hate the current social order,” and “I am working to overthrow all of Whitey’s privilege.” Remember that all of the Martin case is driven by the cultural Marxist narrative which insists that Black people are oppressed by evil White people and unwarranted White privilege. Obama, with his seemingly strange statement about Trayvon being his son, is supporting that narrative. This is the same narrative that Obama supported when he embraced Derrick Bell and required the reading of his works. This is the same narrative so eloquently and repeatedly preached by James Cone’s disciple, Jeremiah Wright, under which Obama sat for twenty years. This is the same narrative Obama learned and taught while he was a community organizer in the Saul Alinsky school of thought.
Obama has revealed himself on this score already as president. He supported this cultural Marxist narrative when he fired, way too early, both barrels in the Cambridge cop routine. He reveals it in his presidency as his administration refuses to prosecute the New Black Panthers for their clear violation of civil rights laws when they intimidated White people at the voting booth.
Obama is a cultural Marxist and he is down for the struggle. All of his actions reveal this at every step of the way. This is what animates this man.
2.) Remember that the Obama Democratic establishment has given up on the Reagan Democrats (White working class) as part of the coalition they want to put together for victory.2
Obama’s statement, “If I had a son, he would look like Trayvon,” thus serves to galvanize the coalition that he is trying to build in opposition to those voters he has written off as being his opposition. (After all, they realize that if they are to write off those voters, then those voters will vote for someone else, and so be his opposition.) Obama’s identifying with the Black community with his statement thus is about 2012 election politics as much as it is about anything else. Obama gains the Black vote for obvious reasons with such a statement, and he also curries the White-educated vote because educated people are stupid, having been propagandized against their own self-interest by the cultural Marxist ruling elite in the universities.
The only question in this gambit by Obama is whether or not he will offend another minority community that he needs in his coalition — the Hispanic vote. Remember, George Zimmerman is not White but Hispanic. There is a long antipathy between the Black special-interest constituents in the Democratic Party and the Hispanic special-interest constituents. Obama risks losing the Hispanic vote if the Hispanic community ever begins to identify with George Zimmerman in this circus.
3.) Another angle that is possible in this presidential attempt to whip up racial frenzy is the desire to foment such racial conflict that a declaration of martial law would be required. Obama knows that this nation is sitting on a racial tinderbox. Obama also knows, being a Marxist, that the creation of intense conflict of interest always serves the end of the state. If enough strife was whipped up by the policy of divide-and-conquer, then Obama could be seen as legitimately declaring martial law, and so would be even better situated to manipulate the results of the 2012 election (should an election occur) and quite possibly collect weaponry from the citizenry.
Footnotes
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